WCC PAC spent nearly $60K to hijack the Williamson GOP with help from developers, out-of-town consultants, and a $6000 bar tab. Voters weren’t buying it.
When rumors started swirling that the Williamson County Conservatives PAC (WCC PAC) possibly spent upwards of six figures to hijack the March 2025 Republican reorganization convention, some dismissed the talk as exaggerated.
And for good reason, if you have the proper context.
Historically, county party reorganization efforts in Tennessee have been modest affairs — with campaigns spending a couple hundred to a few thousand dollars on materials like push cards, nametags, sticker handouts, or even some individually wrapped cookies for attendees. It’s a grassroots tradition rooted in neighbor-to-neighbor politics.
But what happened in Williamson County in 2025 wasn’t tradition. It was an attempted hostile takeover on steroids.
Granted, over the past decade, Republican reorganization contests have gradually intensified, reflecting the party’s ongoing shift from the establishment-driven, Bush-era neoconservatism to the populist, MAGA-aligned grassroots conservatism that now defines its base. Still, campaign spending You repeat yourself on the couple hundred to a couple thousand, still campaign spending followed the norm.
But in 2025, the political establishment didn’t just show up — they rolled in with professional consultants, mail blitzes, hospitality suites, and out-of-state messaging firms. The assumption was clear: if they threw 100 times the money that had ever been spent before, they’d win. A brute-force blitzkrieg of cash and consultants would surely crush the grassroots rebellion of 2023.
Campaign finance filings tell the story. Blowing through just under $60,000 in a top-down attempt to reclaim control of the local party. It was a scorched-earth strategy fueled by panic — and in the end, it wasn’t enough.
They still lost.
A Backlash Two Years in the Making
This aggressive push from the political establishment was no coincidence. It was widely seen as a direct response to the grassroots earthquake of 2023, when more than 600 verified Republicans showed up at the WCRP convention and flipped every leadership position — some by three-to-one margins. That stunning victory by true conservatives was a major defeat for the local political old guard.
They weren’t going to let that happen again without a fight. With two years to plan, raise money, and call in favors from Nashville and beyond, the establishment rolled out the heavy artillery.
Follow the Money
According to filings with the Tennessee Bureau of Ethics and Campaign Finance, WCC PAC raised about $71,300 and spent over $57,000 from late 2024 through mid-2025 in their failed attempt to stack the WCRP leadership.
Here’s a breakdown of their biggest donors — and what it says about who was really behind this effort:
- Willis Johnson – $10,000
The grandfather of State Rep. Jake McCalmon and former CEO of now-defunct gig app TAKL (once Jack Johnson’s employer). - Reba McCalmon – $5,000
Jake’s mother. The McCalmon family poured in $15,000 total — a sizable sum for a so-called "grassroots" effort. - Aubrey Preston – $10,000
A major donor to both parties, Preston has supported Democrats like Phil Bredesen and Kentucky’s Andy Beshear. - R&S Investments – $10,000
An entity registered at 2033 Richard Jones Rd in Green Hills — the same address as Haury & Smith Contractors, a commercial construction firm. - KEYPAC (Sen. Ken Yager’s PAC) – $1,000
Yager, most recently involved in a roadside incident in Georgia, represents a district on the other end of the state. His PAC’s interest in Williamson County raises questions.
Developers, Developers, Developers
Dig a little deeper into the report and a clear pattern emerges: commercial real estate developers were all over this PAC.
- Glenn McGee Jr – $1,000
Principal at Southstar, a Brentwood-based commercial real estate firm. - Century Construction LLC – $1,000
Specializes in industrial development projects. - Dudley Berry – $2,000
A prominent Franklin figure with deep ties to the county’s old-guard establishment. - Damon T. Hininger – $5,000
CEO of CoreCivic, one of the largest private prison corporations in the country.
That’s a significant amount of support from construction and development interests for a group presenting itself as grassroots-focused.
The Shadow Team Behind the Scenes
The PAC’s spending was as strategic as it was expensive. Key disbursements included:
- Battle Ground Strategies (Brian Floyd) – Over $17,000
Owned and operated by Brian Floyd, a political consultant who relocated to Tennessee from California. While many Californians moved here to escape establishment politics, Floyd brought a polished, consultant-class approach to local races. - Red Dog Strategies – Paid for digital advertising
Based in Sacramento, California- billed as a “grassroots communications” firm. - Direct Edge Campaigns – Over $23,000 on direct mail
A major vendor for establishment campaigns nationwide. Owned by Gregory Gleaves, their office is in Green Hills, next door to none other than Ward Baker. - GoDaddy, FirstBank, and Political Financial Management – Minor website and compliance costs
Floyd, notably, doesn’t appear in the PAC’s expenditures after March. But multiple sources observed his continued involvement behind the scenes. Whether he is still being compensated — and by whom — is unknown.
And Then There’s JACK PAC
While not officially tied to WCC PAC, JACK PAC — the political arm of Senate Majority Leader Jack Johnson — spent $6,914.25 at the Cool Springs Marriott on March 6, 2025, the night of the reorg convention.
Could this be the same hospitality suite that, according to multiple accounts, offered WCC allies a flowing bar and private access — all strictly invite-only?
If so, was that nearly $7,000 tab an unreported in-kind contribution to WCC PAC? And if so, will the Bureau of Ethics & Campaign Finance investigate it with the same scrutiny they gave Gary Humble after his 2022 Senate run?
Let’s not forget — Humble was dragged through 18 months of bureaucratic scrutiny over what amounted to a printing error. And yet, a state senator can spend nearly $7K on a private event connected to a political operation and no one blinks?
Debunking the WCC’s Dark Money Smear
In a recent Facebook exchange, the Williamson County Conservatives PAC attempted to cast suspicion on the Elevate 2025 slate by claiming they spent an estimated $100,000 on the Williamson County GOP reorganization convention without filing required financial disclosures. They went so far as to suggest that the slate exploited a so-called “dark money loophole” and implied that funding could have come from liberal organizations like the Teachers Union, SEIU, the Clinton Foundation, or even George Soros.
These accusations are entirely unfounded — and legally wrong.
Candidates for internal party positions in a county-level GOP reorganization are not required to register a PAC or file campaign finance disclosures under Tennessee law. These are not public offices. No taxpayer dollars are involved, and the process is governed by party rules — not state election law.
Moreover, there is no evidence — financial or circumstantial — that Elevate 2025 received support from any left-wing political groups. The claim appears to be a post hoc attempt to explain WCC's loss by casting doubt on the legitimacy of the opposing side’s victory. In contrast to WCC’s $60,000+ campaign, which was documented in formal PAC filings and included payments to California-based media consultants, out-of-state PACs, and professional political operatives, Elevate 2025 ran a grassroots campaign spending about $2,500.00 total for the entire campaign.
The real question isn’t whether Elevate 2025 filed a PAC — they weren’t required to. The more relevant concern is how and why a small group of insiders, including elected officials and major donors tied to development, corrections contracts, and PACs with state-level influence, poured tens of thousands into a failed attempt to hijack a local party.
If transparency is truly the concern, then scrutiny should begin with those who did spend real money, filed real reports, and used real PAC infrastructure to push their slate.
Questions That Deserve Answers
As Jack Johnson ramps up his campaign for re-election, these facts demand accountability:
1. Why did JACK PAC, KEYPAC, and MCPAC get involved in a county-level reorg?
2. Was the Marriott suite an in-kind donation? If so, will it be investigated?
3. Why is so much of the PAC’s muscle coming from out-of-county developers, California consultants, and political families?
4. Why are real estate developers — from Brentwood to Cincinnati — dropping cash into a PAC focused on controlling local GOP leadership?
5. And who’s paying Brian Floyd now?
The Bottom Line
This wasn’t about building a stronger Republican party. It was about The Establishment reasserting control by any means necessary.
The voters said no.
But the donors, consultants, and backroom deals aren’t going anywhere. And as Jack Johnson prepares for a rematch in 2026, he’s clearly running hard — already papering mailboxes and trying to rebrand himself as a grassroots conservative.
The truth? Jack’s sudden populist messaging isn’t fooling the people who know his record.
So, follow the money. Ask the hard questions. And remember: the people trying to buy your county party aren’t doing it for your benefit.
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